The Bihar Assembly elections delivered a sweeping victory for the NDA, while also revealing the failure of the Mahagathbandhan's strategic gamble with smaller caste-based parties. The Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP), led by Mukesh Sahani, won no seats out of the 10 it contested, despite Sahani being projected as the Deputy Chief Minister face. Similarly, the Indian Inclusive Party (IIP) under I P Gupta managed only a single win. The Mahagathbandhan had hoped that Sahani's appeal as the "son of Mallah" would help break the NDA's dominance among Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs), who constitute around 36 percent of Bihar's population. However, voters remained loyal to the NDA, driven by fears of lawlessness under an RJD-led government, concerns about Yadav dominance, confidence in Nitish Kumar's welfare schemes, and the promise of direct financial assistance to women. The results underscore the limits of symbolic caste representation without robust grassroots organization. For Sahani, whose political career has been marked by frequent party switches, the outcome significantly diminishes his bargaining power and raises questions about his political future within the Mahagathbandhan.
Why the Caste Gamble Failed to Deliver Results
The VIP's collapse stemmed from organizational weaknesses and intra-caste divisions. Despite over a decade in politics, Sahani's party lacked grassroots presence outside pockets of north Bihar. Voters in constituencies like Bagaha, Gopalganj, and Khagaria reported that while Sahani's posters were visible, local party workers were absent. Within the Nishad community itself, Sahani's influence was limited to Mallahs, who comprise just 2.6 percent of Bihar's population, while other sub-groups like Binds, Manjhis, and Turhas did not rally behind him. His frequent political switches between the Mahagathbandhan and NDA further eroded his credibility among voters who questioned his consistency and commitment to community interests.
EBC Loyalty and NDA's Welfare Consolidation
EBCs have remained the backbone of Nitish Kumar's politics since 2005, benefiting from targeted reservations and the formation of the Extremely Backward Classes Commission. The BJP expanded this support through welfare schemes and social engineering, creating a cross-class alliance that proved resilient. The NDA's promise of direct financial assistance to women, particularly the Mukhyamantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana announced on August 29, offering Rs 2.1 lakh to women entrepreneurs, resonated strongly with voters. Sahani himself acknowledged this factor played a decisive role. The results demonstrate that symbolic representation alone cannot overcome two decades of consistent political and welfare consolidation by the NDA among marginalised communities.
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